“Neighbourhood ecology is not strongly related to successful youth development” 29-06-2007 The quality of a neighbourhood does not determine the chances of future
success for young people growing up in disadvantaged neighbourhoods. This is the
main finding of ‘Good kids from bad neighborhoods’, a publication by the of the
University of Colorado at Boulder, USA. Delbert Elliott, director of the
university’s Center for the Study and Prevention of Violence (CSPV), main author
of the publication, comments on the research findings and their implication for
successful youth development policies.
In good kids from bad neighbourhoods you made a positive view point
central to your research project – the fact that so many kids from bad
neighbourhoods succeed in life. What made you feel it was necessary to adopt
this positive approach?
Most research, at least most American research, focuses on social pathologies
of the poor. In these research programmes, neighbourhood ecology (crime rates,
poverty rates, quality of the physical environment – EUKN) is considered to
determine young people’s future success or failure in society. The basic
assumption seems to be that being raised on the ‘wrong side of the tracks’
automatically leads to failure in adult life. That kind of designation is
something that we wanted to question.
When we started we were not sure how many youth would succeed in these
neighbourhoods, we wanted to understand how is was that those who did succeed
managed to overcome those types of adversity that exist in disadvantaged
neighbourhoods. If we could figure out how successful kids, even if there were
not many of them, made it, we could help others also make it.
Which one of your findings did you find most striking?
Our study included the full range of neighbourhoods, not just disadvantaged
ones. We were very surprised by the fact that the rate of successful youth
development did not differ that much between advantaged and disadvantaged
neighbourhoods. In the disadvantaged neighbourhoods 52 per cent appeared to be
on track for a successful adulthood; the success rate was 60 per cent in
advantaged neighbourhoods. The success rate for all kids in study neighbourhoods
was between these two rates, approximately 56 per cent. The se small differences
were surprising. You have to realise that the disadvantaged neighbourhoods we
researched are truly poor, with over 30 percent of their households having an
income below the poverty line.
What we consider successful youth development is of course a moderate rate of
success. In our research, you do not have to make it to Harvard in order to be
considered successful. A successful youth development outcome in our research is
when someone:
Based on the fact that there is only an 8 percent difference between the
success rates of highly disadvantaged and advantaged neighbourhoods one can
conclude that neighbourhood ecology is not as strongly correlated with
successful youth development as is often suggested.
The quality of parenting was often very high in disadvantaged neighbourhoods
– as good or better as in advantaged neighbourhoods. However, this is only the
case if there is that strong social organisational structure and informal
network in that neighbourhood.
Another finding was that single parenthood appears to have a very negative
influence on youth development processes. Surprisingly, this only holds true in
disadvantaged neighbourhoods. In more prosperous neighbourhoods single
parenthood does not have this negative influence. We have not yet looked into
the mechanisms behind this difference. I expect that is has to do with the fact
that in order to survive, single parents in poor neighbourhoods often hold more
than one job and thus are not present to keep an eye on their kids. Surveillance
and monitoring by parents has proven to be a critical factor in successful youth
development. Furthermore, holding two jobs and raising kids at the same time
puts a lot of stress on a parent. This will influence a kid’s development as
well. The head of a single parent household has less time to participate in
social networks in the neighbourhood, leading to even less surveillance and
monitoring for his or her children.
What do you deem the most important conclusion of the research
project?
Again, the fact that if you grow up in a poor neighbourhood this does not
mean that you can not lead a successful life. Interestingly, however, is that
the neighbourhood effects appear to become stronger in late adolescence. At this
point in time, the children get more freedom – a negative social environment
will then be of greater influence.
All our findings lead us to a hopeful conclusion: Being born on the wrong
sides of the tracks does not determine development outcomes. While reducing
poverty levels in the neighbourhood remains an important long-term goal, this
means that we can intervene without completely solving the poverty problem.
There are so many measures that will have a more direct effect and that are more
efficient.
What would be your advice to local officials that seek to improve the
chances and living conditions of the residents of deprived urban areas?
Do not focus solely on interventions in the physical environment. The social
environment is of bigger importance. Interaction between neighbours, a shared
culture and shared norms make a disadvantaged neighbourhood a strong
neighbourhood for raising children. We should be careful not to implement
measures that lead to high residential mobility. High mobility is detrimental to
these very important social networks. The worst thing that can happen is that a
neighbourhood becomes high crime, transient neighbourhood. If kids get caught up
in that, they get caught for life. Very often there is no turning back.
We have not yet made a significant enough investment in our disadvantaged
neighbourhoods. We now have some intervention strategies that are effective, but
to date our investment has been quite limited.
For example, projects that have proven to be effective in the long run are
parenting effectiveness training programmes. These programmes have run for years
in small scale pilot project settings. The positive effects of such programmes
are quite dramatic. The number of cases of child abuse drop, as does the number
of parents that abuse drugs or alcohol. Employment under participating parents
increases significantly. These programmes have a very positive influence on
youth development, even after a period of 15 years. These kind of findings
should lead to the development and implementation of more universal parenting
training programmes that target the parents of all kids in all neighbourhoods.
Finally, it will be programmes that adopt a multicontextual approach to youth
development that will prove to be most successful. Programmes that target
parenting quality, the quality of schools and social networks will be the
programmes that lead to better opportunities for youth in disadvantaged
neighbourhoods. These sort of programmes will prove to be more efficient and
more effective than programmes that solely focus on neighbourhood ecology.
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