“Culture-led regeneration can not resolve structural problems on its own” 09-07-2007 Liverpool has been named European Capital of Culture 2008. The Liverpool City
Council has instituted a longitudinal research programme to assess the impacts
of this event. Dr Beatriz Garcia is the director of this programme – IMPACTS 08.
She comments on the research project, the importance of ECoC for the city of
Liverpool, and on culture-led regeneration in general. Dr Garcia attributes many
positive development outcomes to cultural events. However, in her opinion, local
authorities tend to overrate the possible outcomes of culture-led regeneration:
“Such initiatives alone can not resolve all city’s economic and social ills.
Culture-led regeneration should be understood as a factor that can contribute or
advance the case for issues such as local identity, self confidence and external
perceptions.”
How do you value culture-led regeneration in relation to other forms of
regeneration, such as physical regeneration?
I do not see culture-led regeneration and physical regeneration as mutually
exclusive. In fact, my understanding of culture-led regeneration comprises the
different dimensions of a regeneration process, including physical as well as
social and economic transformations. The distinctive characteristics of a
culture-led regeneration process emerge out of the fact that it is driven by
cultural activity, often with a high public profile. Common examples are major
cultural events or iconic cultural infrastructures. But other examples could
include a comprehensive urban cultural strategy or cultural planning approach.
The main values attached to a regeneration process that is driven by cultural
activity is the emphasis placed on identity issues, as well as creative
developments, often linked to artistic creation. As a result, benefits commonly
associated with culture-led regeneration initiatives are the strengthening of
local identity and self-confidence and the ability to attract and retain
creative talent. In my opinion, physical regeneration initiatives would benefit
from being associated with a cultural plan or creative strategy to ensure they
relate to the area’s local identity at the same time as retaining a distinct
character.
In your opinion, do local authorities underestimate the possible effects
of culture-led regeneration programmes and event-led regeneration initiatives?
Or do they overrate their possible outcomes?
It is not possible to generalise, particularly at a European level but, in my
view, once local authorities decide to invest in and support such initiatives,
they tend to overrate the possible outcomes of culture-led regeneration. This is
particularly the case in the UK, where culture-led regeneration has become a
keyword and key aspiration for most cities and regions - particularly those
having suffered the effects of post-industrial economic decline.
The tendency to overrate potential outcomes is often fuelled by reports and
related media coverage that offer a partial or inflated picture of the
situation. While I do believe that culture-led regeneration initiatives can have
an impact on city development, I would advise local authorities against
believing that such initiatives alone can resolve all city’s economic and social
ills. Culture-led regeneration should be understood as a factor that can
contribute or advance the case for some issues (particularly in terms of local
identity, self confidence and external perceptions) but cannot resolve
structural problems on its own. This should not be a deterrent against the value
of investing and supporting such initiatives. It is just a reminder that the
value of culture should not only be measured on the grounds of the economic,
social or environmental returns it can provide. The ‘cultural’ impacts of
culture-led regeneration (such as strengthening people’s creative development,
expanding cultural participation and engagement, strengthening notions of
cultural citizenship and civic involvement, overcoming cultural, religious and
ethnic identity barriers etc) should also be considered as positive and
necessary elements of any given regeneration process.
Do you think that, until now, governments have been bale to reap the full
potential benefits of large scale cultural events? Could you give an example of
a city that has been able to successfully manage regeneration through a cultural
event?
Again it is not possible to generalise. Some governments have been able to
maximise the positive effects of hosting a large scale cultural event better
than others. By and large, governments have been able to benefit the most when
the planning for the event has been embedded within long term planning and
strategies for the host city and/or region. A well known example of this is the
case of Barcelona, a city that has been building on the legacy of hosting the
1992 Olympic Games for the last fifteen years and has particularly benefited in
cultural economic terms. Important factors in the success of Barcelona include
the emphasis placed in upgrading its transport infrastructure, re-connecting
outlying suburbs with each other as well as with the city centre; and the
re-opening of the city to its seafront. Additional factors include the careful
selection of key event venues, located throughout the city and placed in
strategic areas that helped profile the city’s main cultural icons and
attractions. All of these factors contain important cultural components and, at
the time of planning, were linked to a cultural strategy for the city that has
kept developing over the years and retains strong connections with the city’s
approach to urban planning and regeneration.
What lessons should local authorities learn from the Impacts 08 research
project?
The most important lesson is the need and value of establishing a research
and evaluation programme at the outset of any major-event or large-scale
regeneration initiative. This is fundamental in order to establish robust
baselines that can in turn allow a consistent assessment of progress and provide
evidence about the key outcomes of the experience. Impacts 08 has been set up as
a longitudinal research programme and is assessing the multiple dimensions of
regeneration, combining the assessment of economic with physical, social and
cultural impacts. This approach is allowing a better understanding of areas of
impact and providing a contextualisation to statistical trends that, if taken in
isolation, could be misunderstood. Further, Impacts 08 is bringing the Higher
Education Sector to engage with policy makers and practitioners, utilising
academic enquiry to question and advance methodologies and inform the analysis
of findings. This provides a valuable platform to progress in our understanding
of cultural policy and its applications, potentials and limitations, which will
be of value in their future development by local authorities.
As mentioned in the introduction of the Baseline Report 2006/07, it is
unusual for a major cultural event to be to the only intervention that is
underway in a city at any one time. In the research project, how do you make
sure that you exclude impacts that are not related to ECoC from the study?
The first exercise we must undertake to achieve this is to establish how the
ECoC is defined in a given city. In Liverpool, the ECoC is not just understood
as a one-off event consisting of a series of cultural activities managed via a
central office, but as part of a larger regeneration programme involving a wide
range of stakeholders in the political, cultural, business, educational and
community fields. This means that, in the case of Liverpool, the overlaps
between areas of intervention will be particularly acute and difficult to
disentangle. Nevertheless, we are committed to offer some level of impact
disaggregation.
This can be achieved by distinguishing between areas of direct impact and
areas of indirect or secondary impact. We are defining the main area of direct
impact as the levels of cultural participation and engagement. We are
establishing a definition for ECoC related activity that is strongly
interrelated with a definition of the city’s current ‘cultural system’ (which
involves the range of stakeholders listed above), and we have established a
matrix of indicators for participation and wider engagement within this
‘system’. This will provide information about audience sizes, demographics and
also, importantly, about people’s own understanding and level of interest in
what they define as ‘culture’, ‘Liverpool culture’ or the ‘Liverpool ECoC’.
Information about the nature of the city’s ‘cultural system’ - particularly, the
key actors involved and the nature of their relationships - will also allow an
assessment of its main strengths or levels of ‘cultural vibrancy’ in the city.
This assessment will incorporate an analysis of direct links (or areas of
impact) between the city’s key cultural strengths (and changing trends over tim
e) and their relationship with the ECoC - be it in terms of funding, partnership
agreements, promotional support etc.
Associated with our assessment of impacts on ‘participation’ and on the
nature of the ‘city’s cultural system’, we are undertaking an assessment of
impacts on city image, which we argue, can also be considered an area of ‘direct
impact’ as we will be able to study changes in the perception and awareness
about Liverpool for those who have ‘participated’ or been engaged in ECoC
related activity (and its ties with the wider cultural system) as opposed to
those who do not.
Our study of economic, physical and wider social impacts will build on these
three previous areas of impact. As such, claims about economic impact will be
based on indicators that can be linked to our participation, engagement,
cultural vibrancy and image change indicators. A similar exercise will be
undertaken to account for physical and social impacts.
The diagram below may serve as a useful indication of the approach we are
taking to establish lines of direct and indirect impact.
What do you think will be the main contribution of ECoC to the future
success of Liverpool?
Building on the findings of previous research on ECoCs such as Glasgow 1990,
I expect that the main contribution will be in terms of image change. Liverpool
is a city that has suffered the effects of economic decline and is often
perceived, within the UK, in negative terms that tend to build on out-of-date
preconceptions. Our assessment of press coverage about Liverpool in 1996 (before
the bid), 2003 (bid and nomination) and 2005 suggests that the ECoC is acting as
an important platform to establish a different narrative about Liverpool, one
that is increasingly focused on culture-related and economic development stories
with a predominantly positive tone. The development of extensive nation-wide and
international advertising and marketing campaigns about the city and the ECoC
will also generate attention and encourage additional visitors to the city.
Another important contribution will be in terms of strengthening the city’s
cultural system, in particular, the reinforcement of formal relationships
between established cultural institutions and other relevant actors in the
tourism sector as well as political and business groups. Since Liverpool’s
nomination as ECoC, the city’s cultural assets have become more visible and more
central to the debate about the city’s key strengths and future development
within circles that had not previously been directly involved in cultural
matters. Importantly, the main ECoC cultural programme is building strongly on
the offer and activities of established Liverpool arts and cultural
institutions, so it is expected that it will act as a showcase of local talent
and evidence of its national and international significance. Further, the local
authorities are currently working on the establishment of a comprehensive
cultural strategy which should assist in the protection and promotion of the
city’s cultural vibrancy and help attract and retain creative and cultural
talent, establishing the right balance between the levels of cultural
consumption and cultural production in the city.
LinksRead more on IMPACTS 08 on the EUKN website back |


